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Wednesday, March 6th, 2024
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1:34 pm
Surveillance through Push Notifications

The Washington Post is reporting on the FBI’s increasing use of push notification data—”push tokens”—to identify people. The police can request this data from companies like Apple and Google without a warrant.

The investigative technique goes back years. Court orders that were issued in 2019 to Apple and Google demanded that the companies hand over information on accounts identified by push tokens linked to alleged supporters of the Islamic State terrorist group.

But the practice was not widely understood until December, when Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), in a letter to Attorney General Merrick Garland, said an investigation had revealed that the Justice Department had prohibited Apple and Google from discussing the technique.

[…]

Unlike normal app notifications, push alerts, as their name suggests, have the power to jolt a phone awake—a feature that makes them useful for the urgent pings of everyday use. Many apps offer push-alert functionality because it gives users a fast, battery-saving way to stay updated, and few users think twice before turning them on.

But to send that notification, Apple and Google require the apps to first create a token that tells the company how to find a user’s device. Those tokens are then saved on Apple’s and Google’s servers, out of the users’ reach.

The article discusses their use by the FBI, primarily in child sexual abuse cases. But we all know how the story goes:

“This is how any new surveillance method starts out: The government says we’re only going to use this in the most extreme cases, to stop terrorists and child predators, and everyone can get behind that,” said Cooper Quintin, a technologist at the advocacy group Electronic Frontier Foundation.

“But these things always end up rolling downhill. Maybe a state attorney general one day decides, hey, maybe I can use this to catch people having an abortion,” Quintin added. “Even if you trust the U.S. right now to use this, you might not trust a new administration to use it in a way you deem ethical.”

Tuesday, March 5th, 2024
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1:49 pm
The Insecurity of Video Doorbells

Consumer Reports has analyzed a bunch of popular Internet-connected video doorbells. Their security is terrible.

First, these doorbells expose your home IP address and WiFi network name to the internet without encryption, potentially opening your home network to online criminals.

[…]

Anyone who can physically access one of the doorbells can take over the device—no tools or fancy hacking skills needed.

Monday, March 4th, 2024
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1:02 pm
LLM Prompt Injection Worm

Researchers have demonstrated a worm that spreads through prompt injection. Details:

In one instance, the researchers, acting as attackers, wrote an email including the adversarial text prompt, which “poisons” the database of an email assistant using retrieval-augmented generation (RAG), a way for LLMs to pull in extra data from outside its system. When the email is retrieved by the RAG, in response to a user query, and is sent to GPT-4 or Gemini Pro to create an answer, it “jailbreaks the GenAI service” and ultimately steals data from the emails, Nassi says. “The generated response containing the sensitive user data later infects new hosts when it is used to reply to an email sent to a new client and then stored in the database of the new client,” Nassi says.

In the second method, the researchers say, an image with a malicious prompt embedded makes the email assistant forward the message on to others. “By encoding the self-replicating prompt into the image, any kind of image containing spam, abuse material, or even propaganda can be forwarded further to new clients after the initial email has been sent,” Nassi says.

It’s a natural extension of prompt injection. But it’s still neat to see it actually working.

Research paper: “ComPromptMized: Unleashing Zero-click Worms that Target GenAI-Powered Applications.

Abstract: In the past year, numerous companies have incorporated Generative AI (GenAI) capabilities into new and existing applications, forming interconnected Generative AI (GenAI) ecosystems consisting of semi/fully autonomous agents powered by GenAI services. While ongoing research highlighted risks associated with the GenAI layer of agents (e.g., dialog poisoning, membership inference, prompt leaking, jailbreaking), a critical question emerges: Can attackers develop malware to exploit the GenAI component of an agent and launch cyber-attacks on the entire GenAI ecosystem?

This paper introduces Morris II, the first worm designed to target GenAI ecosystems through the use of adversarial self-replicating prompts. The study demonstrates that attackers can insert such prompts into inputs that, when processed by GenAI models, prompt the model to replicate the input as output (replication), engaging in malicious activities (payload). Additionally, these inputs compel the agent to deliver them (propagate) to new agents by exploiting the connectivity within the GenAI ecosystem. We demonstrate the application of Morris II against GenAI-powered email assistants in two use cases (spamming and exfiltrating personal data), under two settings (black-box and white-box accesses), using two types of input data (text and images). The worm is tested against three different GenAI models (Gemini Pro, ChatGPT 4.0, and LLaVA), and various factors (e.g., propagation rate, replication, malicious activity) influencing the performance of the worm are evaluated.

Friday, March 1st, 2024
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11:34 pm
Friday Squid Blogging: New Extinct Species of Vampire Squid Discovered

Paleontologists have discovered a 183-million-year-old species of vampire squid.

Prior research suggests that the vampyromorph lived in the shallows off an island that once existed in what is now the heart of the European mainland. The research team believes that the remarkable degree of preservation of this squid is due to unique conditions at the moment of the creature’s death. Water at the bottom of the sea where it ventured would have been poorly oxygenated, causing the creature to suffocate. In addition to killing the squid, it would have prevented other creatures from feeding on its remains, allowing it to become buried in the seafloor, wholly intact.

Research paper.

As usual, you can also use this squid post to talk about the security stories in the news that I haven’t covered.

Read my blog posting guidelines here.

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1:18 pm
NIST Cybersecurity Framework 2.0

NIST has released version 2.0 of the Cybersecurity Framework:

The CSF 2.0, which supports implementation of the National Cybersecurity Strategy, has an expanded scope that goes beyond protecting critical infrastructure, such as hospitals and power plants, to all organizations in any sector. It also has a new focus on governance, which encompasses how organizations make and carry out informed decisions on cybersecurity strategy. The CSF’s governance component emphasizes that cybersecurity is a major source of enterprise risk that senior leaders should consider alongside others such as finance and reputation.

[…]

The framework’s core is now organized around six key functions: Identify, Protect, Detect, Respond and Recover, along with CSF 2.0’s newly added Govern function. When considered together, these functions provide a comprehensive view of the life cycle for managing cybersecurity risk.

The updated framework anticipates that organizations will come to the CSF with varying needs and degrees of experience implementing cybersecurity tools. New adopters can learn from other users’ successes and select their topic of interest from a new set of implementation examples and quick-start guides designed for specific types of users, such as small businesses, enterprise risk managers, and organizations seeking to secure their supply chains.

This is a big deal. The CSF is widely used, and has been in need of an update. And NIST is exactly the sort of respected organization to do this correctly.

Some news articles.

Thursday, February 29th, 2024
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1:06 pm
How the “Frontier” Became the Slogan of Uncontrolled AI

Artificial intelligence (AI) has been billed as the next frontier of humanity: the newly available expanse whose exploration will drive the next era of growth, wealth, and human flourishing. It’s a scary metaphor. Throughout American history, the drive for expansion and the very concept of terrain up for grabs—land grabs, gold rushes, new frontiers—have provided a permission structure for imperialism and exploitation. This could easily hold true for AI.

This isn’t the first time the concept of a frontier has been used as a metaphor for AI, or technology in general. As early as 2018, the powerful foundation models powering cutting-edge applications like chatbots have been called “frontier AI.” In previous decades, the internet itself was considered an electronic frontier. Early cyberspace pioneer John Perry Barlow wrote “Unlike previous frontiers, this one has no end.” When he and others founded the internet’s most important civil liberties organization, they called it the Electronic Frontier Foundation.

America’s experience with frontiers is fraught, to say the least. Expansion into the Western frontier and beyond has been a driving force in our country’s history and identity—and has led to some of the darkest chapters of our past. The tireless drive to conquer the frontier has directly motivated some of this nation’s most extreme episodes of racism, imperialism, violence, and exploitation.

That history has something to teach us about the material consequences we can expect from the promotion of AI today. The race to build the next great AI app is not the same as the California gold rush. But the potential that outsize profits will warp our priorities, values, and morals is, unfortunately, analogous.

Already, AI is starting to look like a colonialist enterprise. AI tools are helping the world’s largest tech companies grow their power and wealth, are spurring nationalistic competition between empires racing to capture new markets, and threaten to supercharge government surveillance and systems of apartheid. It looks more than a bit like the competition among colonialist state and corporate powers in the seventeenth century, which together carved up the globe and its peoples. By considering America’s past experience with frontiers, we can understand what AI may hold for our future, and how to avoid the worst potential outcomes.

America’s “Frontier” Problem

For 130 years, historians have used frontier expansion to explain sweeping movements in American history. Yet only for the past thirty years have we generally acknowledged its disastrous consequences.

Frederick Jackson Turner famously introduced the frontier as a central concept for understanding American history in his vastly influential 1893 essay. As he concisely wrote, “American history has been in a large degree the history of the colonization of the Great West.”

Turner used the frontier to understand all the essential facts of American life: our culture, way of government, national spirit, our position among world powers, even the “struggle” of slavery. The endless opportunity for westward expansion was a beckoning call that shaped the American way of life. Per Turner’s essay, the frontier resulted in the individualistic self-sufficiency of the settler and gave every (white) man the opportunity to attain economic and political standing through hardscrabble pioneering across dangerous terrain.The New Western History movement, gaining steam through the 1980s and led by researchers like Patricia Nelson Limerick, laid plain the racial, gender, and class dynamics that were always inherent to the frontier narrative. This movement’s story is one where frontier expansion was a tool used by the white settler to perpetuate a power advantage.The frontier was not a siren calling out to unwary settlers; it was a justification, used by one group to subjugate another. It was always a convenient, seemingly polite excuse for the powerful to take what they wanted. Turner grappled with some of the negative consequences and contradictions of the frontier ethic and how it shaped American democracy. But many of those whom he influenced did not do this; they celebrated it as a feature, not a bug. Theodore Roosevelt wrote extensively and explicitly about how the frontier and his conception of white supremacy justified expansion to points west and, through the prosecution of the Spanish-American War, far across the Pacific. Woodrow Wilson, too, celebrated the imperial loot from that conflict in 1902. Capitalist systems are “addicted to geographical expansion” and even, when they run out of geography, seek to produce new kinds of spaces to expand into. This is what the geographer David Harvey calls the “spatial fix.”Claiming that AI will be a transformative expanse on par with the Louisiana Purchase or the Pacific frontiers is a bold assertion—but increasingly plausible after a year dominated by ever more impressive demonstrations of generative AI tools. It’s a claim bolstered by billions of dollars in corporate investment, by intense interest of regulators and legislators worldwide in steering how AI is developed and used, and by the variously utopian or apocalyptic prognostications from thought leaders of all sectors trying to understand how AI will shape their sphere—and the entire world.

AI as a Permission Structure

Like the western frontier in the nineteenth century, the maniacal drive to unlock progress via advancement in AI can become a justification for political and economic expansionism and an excuse for racial oppression.

In the modern day, OpenAI famously paid dozens of Kenyans little more than a dollar an hour to process data used in training their models underlying products such as ChatGPT. Paying low wages to data labelers surely can’t be equated to the chattel slavery of nineteenth-century America. But these workers did endure brutal conditions, including being set to constantly review content with “graphic scenes of violence, self-harm, murder, rape, necrophilia, child abuse, bestiality, and incest.” There is a global market for this kind of work, which has been essential to the most important recent advances in AI such as Reinforcement Learning with Human Feedback, heralded as the most important breakthrough of ChatGPT.

The gold rush mentality associated with expansion is taken by the new frontiersmen as permission to break the rules, and to build wealth at the expense of everyone else. In 1840s California, gold miners trespassed on public lands and yet were allowed to stake private claims to the minerals they found, and even to exploit the water rights on those lands. Again today, the game is to push the boundaries on what rule-breaking society will accept, and hope that the legal system can’t keep up.

Many internet companies have behaved in exactly the same way since the dot-com boom. The prospectors of internet wealth lobbied for, or simply took of their own volition, numerous government benefits in their scramble to capture those frontier markets. For years, the Federal Trade Commission has looked the other way or been lackadaisical in halting antitrust abuses by Amazon, Facebook, and Google. Companies like Uber and Airbnb exploited loopholes in, or ignored outright, local laws on taxis and hotels. And Big Tech platforms enjoyed a liability shield that protected them from punishment the contents people posted to their sites.

We can already see this kind of boundary pushing happening with AI.

Modern frontier AI models are trained using data, often copyrighted materials, with untested legal justification. Data is like water for AI, and, like the fight over water rights in the West, we are repeating a familiar process of public acquiescence to private use of resources. While some lawsuits are pending, so far AI companies have faced no significant penalties for the unauthorized use of this data.

Pioneers of self-driving vehicles tried to skip permitting processes and used fake demonstrations of their capabilities to avoid government regulation and entice consumers. Meanwhile, AI companies’ hope is that they won’t be held to blame if the AI tools they produce spew out harmful content that causes damage in the real world. They are trying to use the same liability shield that fostered Big Tech’s exploitation of the previous electronic frontiers—the web and social media—to protect their own actions.

Even where we have concrete rules governing deleterious behavior, some hope that using AI is itself enough to skirt them. Copyright infringement is illegal if a person does it, but would that same person be punished if they train a large language model to regurgitate copyrighted works? In the political sphere, the Federal Election Commission has precious few powers to police political advertising; some wonder if they simply won’t be considered relevant if people break those rules using AI.

AI and American Exceptionalism

Like The United States’ historical frontier, AI has a feel of American exceptionalism. Historically, we believed we were different from the Old World powers of Europe because we enjoyed the manifest destiny of unrestrained expansion between the oceans. Today, we have the most CPU power, the most data scientists, the most venture-capitalist investment, and the most AI companies. This exceptionalism has historically led many Americans to believe they don’t have to play by the same rules as everyone else.

Both historically and in the modern day, this idea has led to deleterious consequences such as militaristic nationalism (leading to justifying of foreign interventions in Iraq and elsewhere), masking of severe inequity within our borders, abdication of responsibility from global treaties on climate and law enforcement, and alienation from the international community. American exceptionalism has also wrought havoc on our country’s engagement with the internet, including lawless spying and surveillance by forces like the National Security Agency.

The same line of thinking could have disastrous consequences if applied to AI. It could perpetuate a nationalistic, Cold War–style narrative about America’s inexorable struggle with China, this time predicated on an AI arms race. Moral exceptionalism justifies why we should be allowed to use tools and weapons that are dangerous in the hands of a competitor, or enemy. It could enable the next stage of growth of the military-industrial complex, with claims of an urgent need to modernize missile systems and drones through using AI. And it could renew a rationalization for violating civil liberties in the US and human rights abroad, empowered by the idea that racial profiling is more objective if enforced by computers.The inaction of Congress on AI regulation threatens to land the US in a regime of de facto American exceptionalism for AI. While the EU is about to pass its comprehensive AI Act, lobbyists in the US have muddled legislative action. While the Biden administration has used its executive authority and federal purchasing power to exert some limited control over AI, the gap left by lack of legislation leaves AI in the US looking like the Wild West—a largely unregulated frontier.The lack of restraint by the US on potentially dangerous AI technologies has a global impact. First, its tech giants let loose their products upon the global public, with the harms that this brings with it. Second, it creates a negative incentive for other jurisdictions to more forcefully regulate AI. The EU’s regulation of high-risk AI use cases begins to look like unilateral disarmament if the US does not take action itself. Why would Europe tie the hands of its tech competitors if the US refuses to do the same?

AI and Unbridled Growth

The fundamental problem with frontiers is that they seem to promise cost-free growth. There was a constant pressure for American westward expansion because a bigger, more populous country accrues more power and wealth to the elites and because, for any individual, a better life was always one more wagon ride away into “empty” terrain. AI presents the same opportunities. No matter what field you’re in or what problem you’re facing, the attractive opportunity of AI as a free labor multiplier probably seems like the solution; or, at least, makes for a good sales pitch.

That would actually be okay, except that the growth isn’t free. America’s imperial expansion displaced, harmed, and subjugated native peoples in the Americas, Africa, and the Pacific, while enlisting poor whites to participate in the scheme against their class interests. Capitalism makes growth look like the solution to all problems, even when it’s clearly not. The problem is that so many costs are externalized. Why pay a living wage to human supervisors training AI models when an outsourced gig worker will do it at a fraction of the cost? Why power data centers with renewable energy when it’s cheaper to surge energy production with fossil fuels? And why fund social protections for wage earners displaced by automation if you don’t have to? The potential of consumer applications of AI, from personal digital assistants to self-driving cars, is irresistible; who wouldn’t want a machine to take on the most routinized and aggravating tasks in your daily life? But the externalized cost for consumers is accepting the inevitability of domination by an elite who will extract every possible profit from AI services.

Controlling Our Frontier Impulses

None of these harms are inevitable. Although the structural incentives of capitalism and its growth remain the same, we can make different choices about how to confront them.

We can strengthen basic democratic protections and market regulations to avoid the worst impacts of AI colonialism. We can require ethical employment for the humans toiling to label data and train AI models. And we can set the bar higher for mitigating bias in training and harm from outputs of AI models.

We don’t have to cede all the power and decision making about AI to private actors. We can create an AI public option to provide an alternative to corporate AI. We can provide universal access to ethically built and democratically governed foundational AI models that any individual—or company—could use and build upon.

More ambitiously, we can choose not to privatize the economic gains of AI. We can cap corporate profits, raise the minimum wage, or redistribute an automation dividend as a universal basic income to let everyone share in the benefits of the AI revolution. And, if these technologies save as much labor as companies say they do, maybe we can also all have some of that time back.

And we don’t have to treat the global AI gold rush as a zero-sum game. We can emphasize international cooperation instead of competition. We can align on shared values with international partners and create a global floor for responsible regulation of AI. And we can ensure that access to AI uplifts developing economies instead of further marginalizing them.

This essay was written with Nathan Sanders, and was originally published in Jacobin.

Wednesday, February 28th, 2024
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1:31 pm
A Cyber Insurance Backstop

In the first week of January, the pharmaceutical giant Merck quietly settled its years-long lawsuit over whether or not its property and casualty insurers would cover a $700 million claim filed after the devastating NotPetya cyberattack in 2017. The malware ultimately infected more than 40,000 of Merck’s computers, which significantly disrupted the company’s drug and vaccine production. After Merck filed its $700 million claim, the pharmaceutical giant’s insurers argued that they were not required to cover the malware’s damage because the cyberattack was widely attributed to the Russian government and therefore was excluded from standard property and casualty insurance coverage as a “hostile or warlike act.”

At the heart of the lawsuit was a crucial question: Who should pay for massive, state-sponsored cyberattacks that cause billions of dollars’ worth of damage?

One possible solution, touted by former Department of Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff on a recent podcast, would be for the federal government to step in and help pay for these sorts of attacks by providing a cyber insurance backstop. A cyber insurance backstop would provide a means for insurers to receive financial support from the federal government in the event that there was a catastrophic cyberattack that caused so much financial damage that the insurers could not afford to cover all of it.

In his discussion of a potential backstop, Chertoff specifically references the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act (TRIA) as a model. TRIA was passed in 2002 to provide financial assistance to the insurers who were reeling from covering the costs of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. It also created the Terrorism Risk Insurance Program (TRIP), a public-private system of compensation for some terrorism insurance claims. The 9/11 attacks cost insurers and reinsurers $47 billion. It was one of the most expensive insured events in history and prompted many insurers to stop offering terrorism coverage, while others raised the premiums for such policies significantly, making them prohibitively expensive for many businesses. The government passed TRIA to provide support for insurers in the event of another terrorist attack, so that they would be willing to offer terrorism coverage again at reasonable rates. President Biden’s 2023 National Cybersecurity Strategy tasked the Treasury and Homeland Security Departments with investigating possible ways of implementing something similar for large cyberattacks.

There is a growing (and unsurprising) consensus among insurers in favor of the creation and implementation of a federal cyber insurance backstop. Like terrorist attacks, catastrophic cyberattacks are difficult for insurers to predict or model because there is not very good historical data about them—and even if there were, it’s not clear that past patterns of cyberattacks will dictate future ones. What’s more, cyberattacks could cost insurers astronomic sums of money, especially if all of their policyholders were simultaneously affected by the same attack. However, despite this consensus and the fact that this idea of the government acting as the “insurer of last resort” was first floated more than a decade ago, actually developing a sound, thorough proposal for a backstop has proved to be much more challenging than many insurers and policymakers anticipated.

One major point of issue is determining a threshold for what types of cyberattacks should trigger a backstop. Specific characteristics of cyberattacks—such as who perpetrated the attack, the motive behind it, and total damage it has caused—are often exceedingly difficult to determine. Therefore, even if policymakers could agree on what types of attacks they think the government should pay for based on these characteristics, they likely won’t be able to calculate which incursions actually qualify for assistance.

For instance, NotPetya is estimated to have caused more than $10 billion in damage worldwide, but the quantifiable amount of damage it actually did is unknown. The attack caused such a wide variety of disruptions in so many different industries, many of which likely went unreported since many companies had no incentive to publicize their security failings and were not required to do so. Observers do, however, have a pretty good idea who was behind the NotPetya attack because several governments, including the United States and the United Kingdom, issued coordinated statements blaming the Russian military. As for the motive behind NotPetya, the program was initially transmitted through Ukrainian accounting software, which suggests that it was intended to target Ukrainian critical infrastructure. But notably, this type of coordinated, consensus-based attribution to a specific government is relatively rare when it comes to cyberattacks. Future attacks are not likely to receive the same determination.

In the absence of a government backstop, the insurance industry has begun to carve out larger and larger exceptions to their standard cyber coverage. For example, in a pair of rulings against Merck’s insurers, judges in New Jersey ruled that the insurance exclusions for “hostile or warlike acts” (such as the one in Merck’s property policy that excluded coverage for “loss or damage caused by hostile or warlike action in time of peace or war … by any government or sovereign power”) were not sufficiently specific to encompass a cyberattack such as NotPetya that did not involve the use of traditional force.

Accordingly, insurers such as Lloyd’s have begun to change their policy language to explicitly exclude broad swaths of cyberattacks that are perpetrated by nation-states. In an August 2022 bulletin, Lloyd’s instructed its underwriters to exclude from all cyber insurance policies not just losses arising from war but also “losses arising from state backed cyber-attacks that (a) significantly impair the ability of a state to function or (b) that significantly impair the security capabilities of a state.”  Other insurers, such as Chubb, have tried to avoid tricky questions about attribution by suggesting a government response-based exclusion for war that only applies if a government responds to a cyberattack by authorizing the use of force. Chubb has also introduced explicit definitions for cyberattacks that pose a “systemic risk” or impact multiple entities simultaneously. But most of this language has not yet been tested by insurers trying to deny claims. No one, including the companies buying the policies with these exclusions written into them, really knows exactly which types of cyberattacks they exclude. It’s not clear what types of cyberattacks courts will recognize as being state-sponsored, or posing systemic risks, or significantly impairing the ability of a state to function. And for the policyholders’ whose insurance exclusions feature this sort of language, it matters a great deal how that language in their exclusions will be parsed and understood by courts adjudicating claim disputes.

These types of recent exclusions leave a large hole in companies’ coverage for cyber risks, placing even more pressure on the government to help. One of the reasons Chertoff gives for why the backstop is important is to help clarify for organizations what cyber risk-related costs they are and are not responsible for. That clarity will require very specific definitions of what types of cyberattacks the government will and will not pay for. And as the insurers know, it can be quite difficult to anticipate what the next catastrophic cyberattack will look like or how to craft a policy that will enable the government to pay only for a narrow slice of cyberattacks in a varied and unpredictable threat landscape. Get this wrong, and the government will end up writing some very large checks.

And in comparison to insurers’ coverage of terrorist attacks, large-scale cyberattacks are much more common and affect far more organizations, which makes it a far more costly risk that no one wants to take on. Organizations don’t want to—that’s why they buy insurance. Insurance companies don’t want to—that’s why they look to the government for assistance. But, so far, the U.S. government doesn’t want to take on the risk, either.

It is safe to assume, however, that regardless of whether a formal backstop is established, the federal government would step in and help pay for a sufficiently catastrophic cyberattack. If the electric grid went down nationwide, for instance, the U.S. government would certainly help cover the resulting costs. It’s possible to imagine any number of catastrophic scenarios in which an ad hoc backstop would be implemented hastily to help address massive costs and catastrophic damage, but that’s not primarily what insurers and their policyholders are looking for. They want some reassurance and clarity up front about what types of incidents the government will help pay for. But to provide that kind of promise in advance, the government likely would have to pair it with some security requirements, such as implementing multifactor authentication, strong encryption, or intrusion detection systems. Otherwise, they create a moral hazard problem, where companies may decide they can invest less in security knowing that the government will bail them out if they are the victims of a really expensive attack.

The U.S. government has been looking into the issue for a while, though, even before the 2023 National Cybersecurity Strategy was released. In 2022, for instance, the Federal Insurance Office in the Treasury Department published a Request for Comment on a “Potential Federal Insurance Response to Catastrophic Cyber Incidents.” The responses recommended a variety of different possible backstop models, ranging from expanding TRIP to encompass certain catastrophic cyber incidents, to creating a new structure similar to the National Flood Insurance Program that helps underwrite flood insurance, to trying a public-private partnership backstop model similar to the United Kingdom’s Pool Re program.

Many of these responses rightly noted that while it might eventually make sense to have some federal backstop, implementing such a program immediately might be premature. University of Edinburgh Professor Daniel Woods, for example, made a compelling case for why it was too soon to institute a backstop in Lawfare last year. Woods wrote,

One might argue similarly that a cyber insurance backstop would subsidize those companies whose security posture creates the potential for cyber catastrophe, such as the NotPetya attack that caused $10 billion in damage. Infection in this instance could have been prevented by basic cyber hygiene. Why should companies that do not employ basic cyber hygiene be subsidized by industry peers? The argument is even less clear for a taxpayer-funded subsidy.

The answer is to ensure that a backstop applies only to companies that follow basic cyber hygiene guidelines, or to insurers who require those hygiene measures of their policyholders. These are the types of controls many are familiar with: complicated passwords, app-based two-factor authentication, antivirus programs, and warning labels on emails. But this is easier said than done. To a surprising extent, it is difficult to know which security controls really work to improve companies’ cybersecurity. Scholars know what they think works: strong encryption, multifactor authentication, regular software updates, and automated backups. But there is not anywhere near as much empirical evidence as there ought to be about how effective these measures are in different implementations, or how much they reduce a company’s exposure to cyber risk.

This is largely due to companies’ reluctance to share detailed, quantitative information about cybersecurity incidents because any such information may be used to criticize their security posture or, even worse, as evidence for a government investigation or class-action lawsuit. And when insurers and regulators alike try to gather that data, they often run into legal roadblocks because these investigations are often run by lawyers who claim that the results are shielded by attorney-client privilege or work product doctrine. In some cases, companies don’t write down their findings at all to avoid the possibility of its being used against them in court. Without this data, it’s difficult for insurers to be confident that what they’re requiring of their policyholders will really work to improve those policyholders’ security and decrease their claims for cybersecurity-related incidents under their policies. Similarly, it’s hard for the federal government to be confident that they can impose requirements for a backstop that will actually raise the level of cybersecurity hygiene nationwide.

The key to managing cyber risks—both large and small—and designing a cyber backstop is determining what security practices can effectively mitigate the impact of these attacks. If there were data showing which controls work, insurers could then require that their policyholders use them, in the same way they require policyholders to install smoke detectors or burglar alarms. Similarly, if the government had better data about which security tools actually work, it could establish a backstop that applied only to victims who have used those tools as safeguards. The goal of this effort, of course, is to improve organizations’ overall cybersecurity in addition to providing financial assistance.

There are a number of ways this data could be collected. Insurers could do it through their claims databases and then aggregate that data across carriers to policymakers. They did this for car safety measures starting in the 1950s, when a group of insurance associations founded the Insurance Institute for Highway Safety. The government could use its increasing reporting authorities, for instance under the Cyber Incident Reporting for Critical Infrastructure Act of 2022, to require that companies report data about cybersecurity incidents, including which countermeasures were in place and the root causes of the incidents. Or the government could establish an entirely new entity in the form of a Bureau for Cyber Statistics that would be devoted to collecting and analyzing this type of data.

Scholars and policymakers can’t design a cyber backstop until this data is collected and studied to determine what works best for cybersecurity. More broadly, organizations’ cybersecurity cannot improve until more is known about the threat landscape and the most effective tools for managing cyber risk.

If the cybersecurity community doesn’t pause to gather that data first, then it will never be able to meaningfully strengthen companies’ security postures against large-scale cyberattacks, and insurers and government officials will just keep passing the buck back and forth, while the victims are left to pay for those attacks themselves.

This essay was written with Josephine Wolff, and was originally published in Lawfare.

Tuesday, February 27th, 2024
LJ.Rossia.org makes no claim to the content supplied through this journal account. Articles are retrieved via a public feed supplied by the site for this purpose.
1:04 pm
China Surveillance Company Hacked

Last week, someone posted something like 570 files, images and chat logs from a Chinese company called I-Soon. I-Soon sells hacking and espionage services to Chinese national and local government.

Lots of details in the news articles.

These aren’t details about the tools or techniques, more the inner workings of the company. And they seem to primarily be hacking regionally.

Monday, February 26th, 2024
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1:17 pm
Apple Announces Post-Quantum Encryption Algorithms for iMessage

Apple announced PQ3, its post-quantum encryption standard based on the Kyber secure key-encapsulation protocol, one of the post-quantum algorithms selected by NIST in 2022.

There’s a lot of detail in the Apple blog post, and more in Douglas Stabila’s security analysis.

I am of two minds about this. On the one hand, it’s probably premature to switch to any particular post-quantum algorithms. The mathematics of cryptanalysis for these lattice and other systems is still rapidly evolving, and we’re likely to break more of them—and learn a lot in the process—over the coming few years. But if you’re going to make the switch, this is an excellent choice. And Apple’s ability to do this so efficiently speaks well about its algorithmic agility, which is probably more important than its particular cryptographic design. And it is probably about the right time to worry about, and defend against, attackers who are storing encrypted messages in hopes of breaking them later on future quantum computers.

Friday, February 23rd, 2024
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11:34 pm
Friday Squid Blogging: Illex Squid and Climate Change

There are correlations between the populations of the Illex Argentines squid and water temperatures.

As usual, you can also use this squid post to talk about the security stories in the news that I haven’t covered.

Read my blog posting guidelines here.

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5:46 pm
AIs Hacking Websites

New research:

LLM Agents can Autonomously Hack Websites

Abstract: In recent years, large language models (LLMs) have become increasingly capable and can now interact with tools (i.e., call functions), read documents, and recursively call themselves. As a result, these LLMs can now function autonomously as agents. With the rise in capabilities of these agents, recent work has speculated on how LLM agents would affect cybersecurity. However, not much is known about the offensive capabilities of LLM agents.

In this work, we show that LLM agents can autonomously hack websites, performing tasks as complex as blind database schema extraction and SQL injections without human feedback. Importantly, the agent does not need to know the vulnerability beforehand. This capability is uniquely enabled by frontier models that are highly capable of tool use and leveraging extended context. Namely, we show that GPT-4 is capable of such hacks, but existing open-source models are not. Finally, we show that GPT-4 is capable of autonomously finding vulnerabilities in websites in the wild. Our findings raise questions about the widespread deployment of LLMs.

Thursday, February 22nd, 2024
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6:17 pm
New Image/Video Prompt Injection Attacks

Simon Willison has been playing with the video processing capabilities of the new Gemini Pro 1.5 model from Google, and it’s really impressive.

Which means a lot of scary new video prompt injection attacks. And remember, given the current state of technology, prompt injection attacks are impossible to prevent in general.

Wednesday, February 21st, 2024
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1:51 pm
Details of a Phone Scam

First-person account of someone who fell for a scam, that started as a fake Amazon service rep and ended with a fake CIA agent, and lost $50,000 cash. And this is not a naive or stupid person.

The details are fascinating. And if you think it couldn’t happen to you, think again. Given the right set of circumstances, it can.

It happened to Cory Doctorow.

EDITED TO ADD (2/23): More scams, these involving timeshares.

Tuesday, February 20th, 2024
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1:33 pm
Microsoft Is Spying on Users of Its AI Tools

Microsoft announced that it caught Chinese, Russian, and Iranian hackers using its AI tools—presumably coding tools—to improve their hacking abilities.

From their report:

In collaboration with OpenAI, we are sharing threat intelligence showing detected state affiliated adversaries—tracked as Forest Blizzard, Emerald Sleet, Crimson Sandstorm, Charcoal Typhoon, and Salmon Typhoon—using LLMs to augment cyberoperations.

The only way Microsoft or OpenAI would know this would be to spy on chatbot sessions. I’m sure the terms of service—if I bothered to read them—gives them that permission. And of course it’s no surprise that Microsoft and OpenAI (and, presumably, everyone else) are spying on our usage of AI, but this confirms it.

EDITED TO ADD (2/22): Commentary on my use of the word “spying.”

Monday, February 19th, 2024
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5:34 pm
EU Court of Human Rights Rejects Encryption Backdoors

The European Court of Human Rights has ruled that breaking end-to-end encryption by adding backdoors violates human rights:

Seemingly most critically, the [Russian] government told the ECHR that any intrusion on private lives resulting from decrypting messages was “necessary” to combat terrorism in a democratic society. To back up this claim, the government pointed to a 2017 terrorist attack that was “coordinated from abroad through secret chats via Telegram.” The government claimed that a second terrorist attack that year was prevented after the government discovered it was being coordinated through Telegram chats.

However, privacy advocates backed up Telegram’s claims that the messaging services couldn’t technically build a backdoor for governments without impacting all its users. They also argued that the threat of mass surveillance could be enough to infringe on human rights. The European Information Society Institute (EISI) and Privacy International told the ECHR that even if governments never used required disclosures to mass surveil citizens, it could have a chilling effect on users’ speech or prompt service providers to issue radical software updates weakening encryption for all users.

In the end, the ECHR concluded that the Telegram user’s rights had been violated, partly due to privacy advocates and international reports that corroborated Telegram’s position that complying with the FSB’s disclosure order would force changes impacting all its users.

The “confidentiality of communications is an essential element of the right to respect for private life and correspondence,” the ECHR’s ruling said. Thus, requiring messages to be decrypted by law enforcement “cannot be regarded as necessary in a democratic society.”

Friday, February 16th, 2024
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11:15 pm
Friday Squid Blogging: Vegan Squid-Ink Pasta

It uses black beans for color and seaweed for flavor.

As usual, you can also use this squid post to talk about the security stories in the news that I haven’t covered.

Read my blog posting guidelines here.

Thursday, February 15th, 2024
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1:48 pm
On the Insecurity of Software Bloat

Good essay on software bloat and the insecurities it causes.

The world ships too much code, most of it by third parties, sometimes unintended, most of it uninspected. Because of this, there is a huge attack surface full of mediocre code. Efforts are ongoing to improve the quality of code itself, but many exploits are due to logic fails, and less progress has been made scanning for those. Meanwhile, great strides could be made by paring down just how much code we expose to the world. This will increase time to market for products, but legislation is around the corner that should force vendors to take security more seriously.

Wednesday, February 14th, 2024
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6:45 pm
Upcoming Speaking Engagements

This is a current list of where and when I am scheduled to speak:

  • I’m speaking at the Munich Security Conference (MSC) 2024 in Munich, Germany, on Friday, February 16, 2024.
  • I’m giving a keynote on “AI and Trust” at Generative AI, Free Speech, & Public Discourse. The symposium will be held at Columbia University in New York City and online, at 3 PM ET on Tuesday, February 20, 2024.
  • I’m speaking (remotely) on “AI, Trust and Democracy” at Indiana University in Bloomington, Indiana, USA, at noon ET on February 20, 2024. The talk is part of the 2023-2024 Beyond the Web Speaker Series, presented by The Ostrom Workshop and Hamilton Lugar School.

The list is maintained on this page.

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1:45 pm
Improving the Cryptanalysis of Lattice-Based Public-Key Algorithms

The winner of the Best Paper Award at Crypto this year was a significant improvement to lattice-based cryptanalysis.

This is important, because a bunch of NIST’s post-quantum options base their security on lattice problems.

I worry about standardizing on post-quantum algorithms too quickly. We are still learning a lot about the security of these systems, and this paper is an example of that learning.

News story.

Tuesday, February 13th, 2024
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9:21 pm
A Hacker’s Mind is Out in Paperback

The paperback version of A Hacker’s Mind has just been published. It’s the same book, only a cheaper format.

But—and this is the real reason I am posting this—Amazon has significantly discounted the hardcover to $15 to get rid of its stock. This is much cheaper than I am selling it for, and cheaper even than the paperback. So if you’ve been waiting for a price drop, this is your chance.

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