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Пишет Misha Verbitsky (![[info]](http://lj.rossia.org/img/userinfo.gif){kind=small} tiphareth) |
есличо, Мосли был большим другом ирландского народа
https://thedublinreview.com/article/mos
(и ирландцы и шотландцы походу дико симпатизировали Гитлеру)
Many years before he became the nearest thing to a British Mussolini in the 1930s, Oswald Mosley achieved political prominence as a parliamentary critic of Lloyd George’s campaign to use the Black and Tans to crush the IRA. Late in 1920, as a twenty-four-year-old Conservative MP, he was a believer in the League of Nations and condemned the Amritsar massacre in India as ‘Prussian frightfulness inspired by racism’. In his memoir, My Life, published in 1968, Mosley recalled that the war in Ireland had ‘evoked intense moral feeling’. With each atrocity committed by the Black and Tans he felt ‘that the name of Britain was being disgraced, every rule of good soldierly conduct disregarded, and every decent instinct of humanity outraged’. Mosley was one of a small handful of MPs who pursued Lloyd George and his blustering secretary for Ireland, Sir Hamar Greenwood, over the unacknowledged policy of reprisals.
To read Mosley’s memoir is to come away with the impression that he single-handedly dragged the damning evidence of the atrocities committed by the Black and Tans into the spotlight and created a scandal in parliament. He was not the only MP, however, to ask uncomfortable questions amidst a fear that the campaign in Ireland threw a spotlight on the unacceptable face of imperial policing. And crusading British newspaper correspondents, aided by Sinn Féin propaganda, did as much to disseminate the detail of the Black and Tan atrocities as the Peace with Ireland Council, the extra-parliamentary pressure group that Mosley helped to run. But Mosley’s decision in November 1920 to break with the Conservative Party and Lloyd George’s coalition government over the reprisals in Ireland was the making of his parliamentary reputation. Thereafter, he followed a dizzying trajectory, joining the Labour Party and becoming a junior minister in the minority Labour government of 1929; resigning the following year when the cabinet rejected his radical plan for large-scale borrowing and public works to deal with the colossal unemployment caused by the Depression; founding a new party and, eventually, launching the British Union of Fascists in 1932. His denunciation of the Black and Tans survived this political odyssey to achieve a permanent place in the Mosley myth. In 1923 T.P. O’Connor, the veteran Home Rule MP for Liverpool, had written to Mosley’s first wife, Cynthia, praising him as ‘the man who really began the break up of the Black and Tan savagery’. A decade later this reputation was revived in an attempt to attract Irish emigrants in Britain to the fascist cause. Studies of the membership of the British Union of Fascists are imprecise as to how many recruits were of Irish origin, but circumstantial evidence suggests the number may have been substantial. Several fascist leaders in the north of England were Catholic; there were so many in Leeds that Mosley was known there as ‘The Pope’.
https://thedublinreview.com/article/mos
(и ирландцы и шотландцы походу дико симпатизировали Гитлеру)
Many years before he became the nearest thing to a British Mussolini in the 1930s, Oswald Mosley achieved political prominence as a parliamentary critic of Lloyd George’s campaign to use the Black and Tans to crush the IRA. Late in 1920, as a twenty-four-year-old Conservative MP, he was a believer in the League of Nations and condemned the Amritsar massacre in India as ‘Prussian frightfulness inspired by racism’. In his memoir, My Life, published in 1968, Mosley recalled that the war in Ireland had ‘evoked intense moral feeling’. With each atrocity committed by the Black and Tans he felt ‘that the name of Britain was being disgraced, every rule of good soldierly conduct disregarded, and every decent instinct of humanity outraged’. Mosley was one of a small handful of MPs who pursued Lloyd George and his blustering secretary for Ireland, Sir Hamar Greenwood, over the unacknowledged policy of reprisals.
To read Mosley’s memoir is to come away with the impression that he single-handedly dragged the damning evidence of the atrocities committed by the Black and Tans into the spotlight and created a scandal in parliament. He was not the only MP, however, to ask uncomfortable questions amidst a fear that the campaign in Ireland threw a spotlight on the unacceptable face of imperial policing. And crusading British newspaper correspondents, aided by Sinn Féin propaganda, did as much to disseminate the detail of the Black and Tan atrocities as the Peace with Ireland Council, the extra-parliamentary pressure group that Mosley helped to run. But Mosley’s decision in November 1920 to break with the Conservative Party and Lloyd George’s coalition government over the reprisals in Ireland was the making of his parliamentary reputation. Thereafter, he followed a dizzying trajectory, joining the Labour Party and becoming a junior minister in the minority Labour government of 1929; resigning the following year when the cabinet rejected his radical plan for large-scale borrowing and public works to deal with the colossal unemployment caused by the Depression; founding a new party and, eventually, launching the British Union of Fascists in 1932. His denunciation of the Black and Tans survived this political odyssey to achieve a permanent place in the Mosley myth. In 1923 T.P. O’Connor, the veteran Home Rule MP for Liverpool, had written to Mosley’s first wife, Cynthia, praising him as ‘the man who really began the break up of the Black and Tan savagery’. A decade later this reputation was revived in an attempt to attract Irish emigrants in Britain to the fascist cause. Studies of the membership of the British Union of Fascists are imprecise as to how many recruits were of Irish origin, but circumstantial evidence suggests the number may have been substantial. Several fascist leaders in the north of England were Catholic; there were so many in Leeds that Mosley was known there as ‘The Pope’.
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