Андрей Илларионов's Journal
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Friday, May 16th, 2014
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4:56a |
С.Марков. Путинский план уничтожения Украины и разрушения Западного Альянса Европейцы поворачиваются против США навстречу РоссииСергей МарковПрезидент России Владимир Путин делает все возможное, чтобы избежать войны в Украине, в то время как Киев расширяет свои военные операции в восточной и южной Украине.Вашингтон не только отказывается слушать позицию Москвы, но и угрожает еще более жесткими санкциями против России. Западные лидеры только раздували пламя этой антироссийской истерии, обвиняя во всем Россию.В общественном мнении ряда стран ЕС нарастает сопротивление против экстремистской политики Вашингтона. Хочется надеяться, что европейские политики услышат своих избирателей и будут проводить более сбалансированную политику.Но почему же Путин по-прежнему не отправляет миротворческие войска в восточную и южную Украину? И почему он молчит в течение последних двух недель, нарушая эту тишину лишь словами о мирном разрешении кризиса?Путин выжидает, надеясь, что обе стороны, с помощью посредников от США, России и Европейского Союза, могут разрешить кризис без военного вмешательства. Бывший премьер-министр Юлия Тимошенко уже заявила, что произойдет третья революция, если ее противник, Петр Порошенко, победит на президентских выборах 25 мая, в результате чего возникает реальная возможность крушения киевской хунты от внутренних конфликтов.Между тем быстро ухудшающиеся социальные, экономические и политические проблемы Украины из-за отсутствия эффективного правительства могут привести к массовым забастовкам, парализующим экономику. Вопиющие акты насилия хунты могут поднять украинцев против нее и, наконец, разрушить информационную блокаду Запада, блокирующую сообщения о ее преступлениях.Поддержка ЕС прокиевской политики Вашингтона позволяет временному правительству Украины продолжать свою политику насилия против пророссийских демонстрантов. Однако в общественном мнении ряда стран ЕС нарастает сопротивление против экстремистской политики Вашингтона. Хочется надеяться, что европейские политики услышат своих избирателей и будут проводить более сбалансированную политику.Антиамериканские настроения могут повлиять на исход выборов в Европейский парламент 25 мая. Крайне правые партии Европы, такие, как Национальный фронт Франции и партия Свободы Австрии, все чаще критикуют Вашингтон и с симпатией относятся к России. Эта политическая тенденция может заставить ЕС обращать больше внимания на аргументы России и русскоязычного населения в Донбассе.Путин ждет и надеется, что правда о преступлениях и несправедливостях киевской хунты в конце концов достигнет европейцев, которые будут говорить своим голосом, а не просто повторять линию Вашингтона.Путин пытается выиграть время, но его базовый мирный план для Украины остается неизменным. Он хочет, чтобы Киев прекратил военную кампанию против своих собственных граждан, вернул армию на свои базы, разоружил неофашистские банды, легализованные под видом Национальной гвардии и внес изменения в Конституцию, чтобы придать русскому языку равный статус с украинским в качестве средства для прекращения дискриминации русскоговорящих граждан Украины, составляющих 65 процентов населения страны не считая Крыма. Москва также требует перехода к модели федерации – такой, какая принята в США или Германии, – для защиты от дискриминации со стороны ультранационалистического правительства в Киеве. Кремль также настаивает на конституционных гарантиях внеблокового статуса Киева, исключающего возможность вступления Украины в НАТО.По новой модели Федерации Донецкая и Луганская республики подпишут договоры с Киевом, чтобы стать автономными республиками в пределах Украины. Если Киев откажется дать защиту русскоговорящим, то новые республики, вероятно, продолжат свою борьбу за бОльшую автономию и еще больше дистанцируются от Киева.Возможно также формирование нового государства под названием «Новороссия», в которую войдут все восточные и южные области Украины, в которых этнические русские и русскоязычные люди составляют солидное большинство. Новороссия – это историческое название, возникшее после того, как этот регион стал частью Российской империи при Екатерине Великой. В Новороссии проживают более 20 миллионов человек, что позволяет ей стать европейской страной среднего размера.Новороссия также могла бы стать частью России, но только в качестве крайней меры – если у Москвы не останется другого способа гарантировать, что русскоязычные жители региона не станут жертвами ультранационалистов – тех, кто пролил русскую кровь в Одессе и не был привлечен к ответственности за свои преступления.Но я боюсь, что мирный план Путина имеет мало шансов на успех. По всей вероятности, этот конфликт будет обостряться. Но вместо того, чтобы посылать войска в Украину, Россия может дать зеленый свет тысячам добровольцам из России и из-за рубежа, кто горит желанием приехать в Украину и включиться в борьбу против американского господства. Лидерство и сила Путина, продемонстрированные в Крыму и Донбассе, послужили мощным маяком для мобилизации людей во всем мире, чтобы противостоять вмешательству США на заднем дворе России и попыткам США расширить свою гегемонию во всем мире.Сергей Марков является директором Института политических исследований.Europeans Turning Against U.S. and Toward Russia
Europeans Turning Against U.S. and Toward RussiaBy Sergei MarkovPresident Vladimir Putin is doing everything he can to avoid war in Ukraine, while Kiev is expanding its military operations in eastern and southern Ukraine.Washington not only refuses to listen to Moscow's position, but threatens even tougher measures against Russia. Western leaders have only fanned the flames of this anti-Russian hysteria by blaming everything on Russia.There is a growing public opinion backlash in a number of EU countries against Washington’s extremist politics. Hopefully, more European politicians will listen to their constituencies and adopt a more balanced policy. But why is Putin still reluctant to send peacekeeping troops to eastern and southern Ukraine? And why did he remain silent for the past two weeks, only to break that silence by speaking of a peaceful resolution to the crisis? Putin is biding his time, hoping that both sides, with the help of mediators from the U.S., Russia and European Union, can resolve the crisis without military intervention. Former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko has already announced that a third revolution will take place if her opponent, Petro Poroshenko, wins the presidential election on May 25, raising the real possibility that the junta in Kiev might collapse from internal conflicts. Meanwhile, Ukraine's rapidly worsening social, economic and political problems resulting from the lack of effective government could lead to massive strikes that would paralyze the economy. The junta's flagrant acts of violence could turn Ukrainians against it and finally break the West's information blockade on reporting their crimes. EU support for Washington's pro-Kiev policy allows Ukraine's interim government to continue its policy of violence against pro-Russian protesters. But there is a growing public opinion backlash in a number of EU countries against Washington's extremist politics. Hope remains that more European politicians will listen to their constituencies and require the EU to adopt a more balanced policy. The anti-U.S. mood might influence the outcome of the European Parliament elections on May 25. European extreme right parties, such as France's National Front and the Freedom Party of Austria, have been increasingly critical of Washington and sympathetic toward Russia. This political trend could force the EU to pay more attention to the arguments of Russia and Russian speakers in the Donbass. Putin is waiting and hoping that the truth concerning the crimes and injustices perpetrated by the junta in Kiev will eventually reach Europeans, who will speak out with their own voice instead of simply echoing Washington's line. Putin is trying to buy time, but his basic peace plan for Ukraine remains unchanged. He wants Kiev to end its military campaign against its own citizens, withdraw the Army to its bases, disarm the neo-fascist gangs that have been legalized under the guise of the National Guard and to amend the Constitution to put the Russian language on equal footing with Ukrainian as a means for ending discrimination against Ukraine's Russian-speaking citizens, who constitute 65 percent of the population, not counting Crimea. Moscow is also demanding the transition to a federation model — one that is based on the U.S. or Germany to protect against discrimination by the ultra-nationalist government in Kiev. The Kremlin is also insisting on constitutional guarantees that Kiev will keep its nonbloc status, which would eliminate the possibility of NATO membership. Under a new federation model, the Donetsk and Luhansk republics would sign treaties with Kiev to become autonomous republics within Ukraine. If Kiev refuses to give protections for Russian speakers, the new republics will likely continue their battles for greater autonomy and distance themselves even further from Kiev. One possibility is the formation of a new state called "New Russia" that would include all of the eastern and southern Ukrainian regions in which ethnic Russians and Russian-speaking people constitute a solid majority. New Russia is the historical name that arose after the region became part of the Russian Empire under Catherine the Great. There are more than 20 million people living in New Russia, which would make for a mid-sized European country. New Russia might also become part of Russia, but only as an extreme measure — if Moscow has no other way to ensure that the region's Russian speakers do not fall victim to the ultra-nationalists — those who spilled Russian blood in Odessa and have not been held accountable for their crimes. But I am afraid that Putin's peaceful plan has little chance of succeeding. In all likelihood, the conflict will worsen. But instead of sending troops to Ukraine, Russia might give the green light to the thousands of volunteers in Russia and abroad who are eager to come to Ukraine and join the struggle against U.S. domination. Putin's leadership and strength shown in Crimea and Donbass has served as a powerful beacon to mobilize people all over the world to oppose U.S. meddling in Russia's backyard and U.S. attempts to expand its hegemony all over the world. Sergei Markov is director of the Institute of Political Studies. http://www.themoscowtimes.com/opinion/article/newsletter/500152.html | 6:22a |
Путинский план развала Западного Альянса Is Ukraine crisis just part of a broader Russian strategy?At the GLOBSEC security conference in Europe, participants confronted a stark assessment that Russia is excelling at creating divides between Western powers over the crisis. By Nicholas Blanford, Correspondent / May 15, 2014 The crisis in Ukraine ranges far beyond the confines of eastern Europe to represent a critical challenge to the world order – and to the durability of the European Union, attendants at an international security conference in this city were told Wednesday.The conflict in Ukraine is a “test case” for the EU's 28 members, given the emergence of a Russia-inspired “countervision.”
“Europeans are used to thinking, 'we only have one vision, we are innocent, and everyone likes us,'” says Timothy Snyder, a fellow at the Institute for Human Sciences in Vienna and a specialist on Central and Eastern Europe. “But since the middle of 2013 there has been a countervision under the name of Eurasia.” The economic union grouping of Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan is intended to form the basis of a future entity that could act as a bulwark against the perception of Western encroachment on Russia's sphere of influence. President Vladimir Putin had pressed for Ukraine's inclusion in the Eurasian Economic Union before demonstrations in Kiev earlier this year forced then-President Viktor Yanukovych to flee the country. The Eurasian Economic Union “pretends to be a trade agreement but in fact it is a cultural, ideological, and political challenge whose ultimate aim is to fragment and destroy the European Union and leave the European Union as a bunch of nation states that ... can be easily manipulated by Russia,” Mr. Snyder says. That stark analysis came as a new round of talks commenced in Kiev, brokered by the transatlantic Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), aimed at defusing the crisis and address the demands of separatists in the east of the country. The OSCE wants to help Ukraine achieve "those goals politically rather than through separatism and through the barrel of a gun,” Victoria Nuland, assistant US secretary of State for European and Eurasian affairs, told those attending the GLOBSEC 2014 security conference. The conflict in Ukraine has overshadowed the annual conference, which this year has gathered around 1,000 statesmen, politicians, diplomats, and academics to Bratislava, Slovakia. “We are confronted with an unprecedented situation challenging not only the post [cold] war order but also peace and security in our region,” says Miroslav Lajcak, the foreign minister of Slovakia. “It is obvious we have to react. We are taking part in the political process, we have introduced sanctions, and of course we are getting ready on the military side.... Hope for the best and prepare for the worst.” In a “brainstorming” debate on Ukraine, Andrei Illarionov, a senior fellow at the Cato Institute and a former economic adviser to Putin, described the crisis as “Mr. Putin's war against Ukraine,” and said it was but “one chapter” in a broader Russian strategy. “The main intention strategically is to provide a divide between the Anglo-Saxon world and continental Europe: the great alliance between Russia and continental Europe on one side against the Anglo-Saxon world, meaning the United States, the United Kingdom,and the “front states” – Poland and three Baltic states,” he says. And, he added, “It's going perfectly” for Russia. While there was broad consensus on the threat posed by the conflict over Ukraine, there was less unanimity on what can be done to resolve the crisis. Most participants in the debate supported the sanctions regime against Russia. And some suggested alternative methods of coercion, such as increasing oil production to reduce prices and hit oil-rich Russia, or divesting from the country. Edgars Rinkevics, the foreign minister of Latvia, said there was a need to convey “our message” to the Russians living in the EU as well as Russians inside Russia itself, because internal Russian propaganda presently “surpasses anything we saw in the Soviet era.” Many of the participants favored some form of decentralization, allowing greater autonomy for the regions to dampen separatist ambitions. They also noted that an unexpected consequence of the crisis was the emergence of a far greater sense of Ukrainian nationalism and identity that could undermine Moscow's attempts to exert influence in areas of eastern Ukraine. “Ukrainian identity has become much, much stronger because of these past months' developments,” says Janos Martonyi, the foreign minister of Hungary. “I don't believe that this would have been one of [Russia's] objectives [but] that is exactly what happened.” The OSCE plan being debated in Kiev calls on all sides to refrain from violence, and for the disarming of pro-Moscow rebels while also granting them amnesty. It additionally calls for greater decentralization and a review of the official status of the Russian language, a key demand of Russian-speaking population in eastern Ukraine. http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Europe/2014/0515/Is-Ukraine-crisis-just-part-of-a-broader-Russian-strategy-video |
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