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Saturday, March 25th, 2017
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| 6:36a | Расшифровка «Досье Трампа»: да, состоялась сделка по приватизации «Роснефти»  Trump Russia Dossier Decoded: Yes, There Really Was A Massive Oil Deal Grant Stern Mar 21 Circumstantial evidence strongly indicates that President Donald J. Trump and his campaign associates brokered a massive oil privatization deal, where his Organization facilitated a global financial transaction to sell Russian Oil stock to its Syrian War adversary, the Emirate of Qatar. The Trump Russia Dossier describes a massive privatization deal to deliver a chunk of the state-owned Rosneft Oil company to Qatar and also a secret buyer in the Cayman Islands. Qatar has been a tenant at Trump Tower since 2008, though recent reports indicate. they may have recently vacated their state-run airlines’ corporate campus. Donald Trump and Russia conducted the transaction in three phases; Phase 1 began in early 2016 with a meeting of the minds at The Mayflower Hotel to start the deal and a due diligence period, Phase 2 began just before the Republican National Convention and continued through Election Day, and Phase 3 happened after Trump’s shocking win and concluding just days before Buzzfeed published the bombshell dossier describing the deal. The end result allowed Russia to trade stolen emails to help to Donald Trump’s election campaign (as well as that of many Republican Congressmen), in exchange for help circumventing American sanctions to transact the sale of Rosneft, which Putin desperately needed to finance his budget deficit. The Rosneft transaction also purportedly sent a $500 million dollar brokerage fee to Carter Page, or perhaps the Trump Organization. For the first time here, we’ve broken down the entire Rosneft privatization transaction and US election, by using open source media stories to create a comprehensive timeline of events over three phases in a single graphic. This is the transaction Ranking House Intel Committee Member Adam Schiff (D-CA) described when kicked off Congress’ Russia hearings discussing Rosneft’s privatization deal, and the many contacts between the Trump campaign and Putin’s allies. The most deal significant milestone was the “meeting of the minds” which occurred last April 27th at the Center for National Interest gathering in Washington, D.C. Four Ambassadors convened at The Mayflower Hotel, who represent the three countries definitely involved in the Rosneft privatization deal: Italy, Russia, Singapore, and also the Philippines. They all attended Donald Trump’s foreign policy campaign speech. Key players from every country involved were in that one room, for one night, one time only, and even now-Attorney General Jeff Sessions was there. The former Alabama Senator only admitted that he had two meetings with the Russian Ambassador, publicly excusing his own lies maintaining that contacts both weren’t campaigning discussions, even though one meeting was at the RNC in Cleveland. The April contact makes a third undisclosed meeting by Sessions with Ambassador Kislyak. Former US Ambassador Richard Burt is now a Russian lobbyist, and is thought to have written the speech that night, and serves on the Center’s Board of Directors. After the-Republican candidate Donald Trump locked down the GOP nomination in early May against Ted Cruz, the plan described in Steele’s dossier leapt into action. From the look of events, starting in July, a massive international oil privatization transaction began, and it was concluded in early January, right around the time the Electoral College certified Donald Trump as America’s 45th President. The April 27th campaign speech at CNFI effectively concluded the due diligence or first phase of the Dossier’s privatization transaction and began a ‘quiet period’ before the pace of events quickened. The second phase of the transaction began just before the Republican Convention and ran through election day. The third phase happened after election day, and before the January 10th disclosure of the Steele Dossier, itself just a few short days after the Rosneft privatization sale finished. This week, the Democratic Coalition just released a 40-page report which factually confirms more than a dozen major allegations of the Trump Russia Dossier published by Buzzfeed on January 10th. Our exhaustive research breaks down the findings of the Dossier chronologically and highlights the ties between Trump and the buyer of Russia’s oil company shares. Oil-rich Gulf Arab nation of Qatar was the end buyer of a massive stake in the Russian, state-run oil company Rosneft’s privatization deal. The new Democratic Coalition report (below) reveals that Trump has hosted a Qatari state-run business owned by the QIA — the buyer of Rosneft shares in this transaction — located in the Manhattan Trump Tower for many years, as well as numerous factual confirmations of the dossier’s findings. Democratic Coalition Senior Advisor Scott Dworkin is set to advise a bipartisan group of Congress people this week on his factual findings, which back up the information contained in the Dossier that implicate President Trump in a foreign affair with Vladimir Putin. He tells us this is his main advice: “The Dossier and its contents are mostly real.” The President’s son-in-law and White House advisor Jared Kushner met with the Russian Ambassador during the Transition period, with disgraced General Michael Flynn. “Carter Page met with Rosneft in December to assist with the deal, and he’s on the record admitting it but claims he didn’t meet Igor Sechin,” said Dworkin incredulously. “Really? It must have been a webcast with an intermediary. Everything in the Dossier adds up, and it still leaves more questions than answers.” A mighty brokerage fee to one of the Trump campaign advisors, Moscow-based investment banker Carter Page, is highlighted in the former MI-6 operative’s report. Theoretically, the former Merrill Lynch investment banker, Page, may have only been the “bag man” or go-between and someone else is the recipient of the cash premium in the dossier. Five hundred million dollars is a lot of money, and conceivably, many members of the Trump Organization, or family, could be involved in a deal of that scope. What is most unusual about the sale is that Qatar is on the opposite sides of the Syrian war from Russia. Not only that but in 2004 Russian agents openly assassinated a top Chechen rebel in Doha, the capital of Qatar, by bombing his SUV. However, friendship between Donald Trump and the Qatari state-run airline who paid him anywhere from $19,000–100,000 a month in rent since 2008, must run deep. Rosneft began taking steps towards a sale in early 2016, which accelerated right around the time of the Republican National Convention. Russia’s state oil companies both declared that they would not privatize in 2016, right after Trump’s feud with a gold star family whose patriarch Khizr Khan spoke at the Democratic National Convention. Putin announced the sale after new management changed the Trump campaign’s momentum in an exclusive Bloomberg interview in early September, which set the price at $11 billion dollars.  Reuters: Rosneft stake Ownership Chart Six countries are known to have participated in the massive privatization deal of Russia’s jewel, its state-run oil company, which left the end ownership of the stake impenetrable, and a purchase price of roughly $10.7 billion dollars, which Reuters reported about in January as: “How Russia sold its oil jewel: without saying who bought it.” In early October, once Russia knew about their damaging cache of Clinton Campaign Chair John Podesta’s emails, they re-ignited the privatization sales. Rosneft CEO Igor Sechin had already spent $5 billion dollars to buy out a foreign stake in Bashneft, another massive Russian oil partnership, whose oligarch was compromised, and charged (as Putin often does) with criminal offenses. The Bashneft deal closed right before the damaging Access Hollywood political scandal, which would’ve swamped a presidential campaign without Trump’s collusive assistance from Putin’s massive propaganda machine. After the Access Hollywood tape releases had seemed to doom Trump’s campaign, Putin even announced that the companies would buy their own shares if they had to — there was a serious budget hole to fill. Nineteen and a half percent of Rosneft’s stock was agreed to be transferred on December 7th, before the board was informed of the transaction’s terms only after it took place. The “matryoshka” (named after the famous nesting dolls) or complex deal structure is most likely designed to avoid American sanctions imposed over the Ukraine invasion against Rosneft, its CEO Igor Sechin and its parent company Gazprom. The highlighted yellow company in the below organization chart is a total mystery and based in the Cayman Islands law firm Walkers. This is the kind of financial engineering it took for the Italian bank Intesa, to lend money to the buyers of the Rosneft stake. The story continues below:  Original Graphic By Grant Stern based upon Reuters report (on right) Anonymous blogger The Trump Watchdog indicates that the Walkers law firm is linked to Trump economic advisor Steven Schwartzman, a co-founder of the Wall Street giant Blackstone, because they own the Intertrust Group, who provided the Singapore holding company (item 17.) The shelf company owned by Intertrust Group was renamed QHG Holdings — which was discovered after internet sleuths tracked down a scrivener’s error — and which probably links US interests to the international transaction. Coincidentally, the other co-founder of Blackstone Pete Peterson also happens to be on the Board of Directors for the Center for National Interest who booked The Mayflower Hotel at the last moment for the April 27th meeting with the four ambassadors, Trump, and Sessions. Disgraced former Reagan National Security Advisor “Bud” McFarlane also attended The Mayflower Hotel speech on April 27th — in an especially ironic twist, where he attended another speech nearly 30 years earlier by Ronald Reagan, which he attended six short months before another international scandal erupted named Iran-Contra. Reagan’s speech that night demanded House Democrats to fund the Contra’s guerrilla war in Nicaragua, and like Trump’s speech proposing an unusual Russian “peace” deal, 30-years ago that Republican President described a foreign policy wish list, which eventually was revealed to have illegally transpired. In November, despite Bud McFarlane’s public criticism in April, the Trump Transition team included the ex-felon’s compliments of Fox TV personality KT McFarland’s appointment as a Deputy NSA in their official press release. Anyone who knows the Trump Administration, knows that they’re hypersensitive to criticism, yet oddly, this Trump critic was allowed to make a national security appointment so signficant that qualified applicants refused the job after Flynn’s dismissal, just to avoid KT McFarland being on their staff. Then, Bud McFarlane mysteriously re-appeared at Trump Tower on December 5th, just two days before the Rosneft deal was announced, which didn’t make news when Henry Kissinger’s visit — he’s the Chairman Emeritus of the Center for National Interest — drew major headlines that day in Manhattan. The end game for Russia was to funnel at least $5 billion dollars of new capital into state coffers to staunch some of the red ink expected to plague Putin’s budgets going into his 2018 elections, and through at least 2020 according to economists; and to do the deal while tiptoeing past American financial sanctions. That’s where the cash-rich Gulf Arab nation stepped in to make a deal. The Qatari sovereign wealth fund (QIA) is the known buyer of 50% of these shares of Rosneft. Yet still, nobody knows where well over $2 billion dollars of equity for the purchase came from, as Reuters reports: "Although Qatar has never publicly confirmed how much it has contributed to the deal or the size of the stake that it bought, Glencore and Rosneft say it contributed 2.5 billion euros. Along with the 300 million from Glencore and the 5.2 billion loaned by Intesa [an Italian bank], that still leaves a shortfall of 2.2 billion euros." The QIA is coincidentally also the largest shareholder in the Swiss oil trading firm Glencore, who executed the purchase with a minimal direct investment, and used the “Singapore vehicle” or holding company to hold their Rosneft share. Glencore guaranteed the Italian bank Intesa’s loan for only 1/3rd of its value. Donald Trump has had business ties to Qatar’s government for years, according to a Jan. 10th report in Time: "Trump has stakes in four companies that appear to be tied in business in the desert nation. The country’s state-owned carrier, Qatar Airways, has leased an office in Manhattan’s Trump Tower since 2008. Ivanka Trump told Hotelier Middle East in 2015 that the Trump Hotel Collection was eyeing opportunities in Qatar." It’s unclear when or if Qatari Airlines left Trump Tower, or when their lease actually expires, but a Jan. 28th story in Vox says that their operations have departed the President’s home building in New York. What is clear is that Qatari Airlines’ CEO has publicly called Donald Trump a “good friend” and it is one of the countries excluded from the Muslim Ban, which coincidentally, does business with the President. Recently, CEOs of American airliners met with Trump recently to decry government subsidized competition from Qatar and other foreign state-run carriers, which is an obvious conflict for President Trump. If that wasn’t enough conflicted interest, Trump Organization announced a plan to build or license their brand in Qatar in 2015, but there are no further reports to substantiate the move. The CEO of Qatari Airlines says that he was one of the first people to give congratulations after election day: "Qatar Airways’ Group Chief Executive Akbar al-Baker, who voiced support for Trump even after his comments about Muslims, welcomed his victory. “Our relationship goes way back, and I was one of the first to commend Donald on his well-deserved new leadership position,” he said in a statement to Reuters. Qatari Airlines rented pricey office space at President Trump’s tower for many years. If their lease continues today, it would be a violation of the Constitution’s Emoluments Clause, which prevents federal employees and the executive from accepting any foreign payments whatsoever. Qatar’s complete and total involvement in the Rosneft deal is undeniable. The small Emirate that just publicly participated in the purchase of Russia’s state-run oil and gas giant — happens to be extremely close to Donald Trump. It’s unknown if the Philippines had any direct or indirect involvement in the Rosneft transaction, but their President Duarte is a staunch Trump supporter, who assigned one of the President’s business partners as a trade envoy. The island nation took the unusual step of hosting Russian naval ships in early January, which is extremely out of the ordinary for the longtime US ally and former colony. Why Russia Needed The Money At the heart of the Dossier’s disclosures is the Russian goal of ending economic sanctions, some of which specifically target Rosneft CEO Igor Sechin, who was Putin’s top deputy in government service just a few short years ago, in a country where the lines between business and government can be blurry. President Obama’s 2014 sanctions have crippled the Russian economy when compounded with low global oil prices. That caused a massive budget gap last year, which led Putin to privatize assets to pay current costs for the Russian government. After President Obama leveled retaliatory sanctions in December 2016 and expelled diplomats in late December for meddling in our election, Vladimir Putin announced and then stunningly reserved retaliation. Last month, disgraced Gen. Michael Flynn was fired as NSA, apparently just for discussing Russian sanctions with the Russian Ambassador in late December. At the time, Obama’s expulsion of Russian diplomats and spies sparked a highly unusual public “bromance” between the President-elect and the dictator, which sparked speculation about a quid pro quo when Trump tweeted a love letter to the Russian dictator. Strategically, Russia is desperate to shake the larger economic sanctions, but America’s Congress is seeking more, not less economic retaliation against Putin’s regime. Shortly after taking office, President Trump did indeed relax sanctions against Russia’s lead spy agency, the FSB, but most observers said was a minor concession. Into that void, Trump’s lawyer and a group of his Ukrainian family connections and lawmakers, and the notorious Felix Sater appeared with a “peace plan” that would’ve accomplished the end of sanctions. One of the ‘peacemakers,’ a Ukrainian relative of Trump’s trusted lawyer Michael Cohen, has already perished under mysterious circumstances since then. If America lifts sanctions against the Putin regime, then the value of Russia’s public oil companies stands to skyrocket. Already, Donald Trump’s presence has sparked a market rally on Moscow’s MICEX stock exchange. US Media Is Connecting The Dots On Steele’s Dossier Open source journalism confirms some of the more important political elements of the Trump Russia Dossier. My original report two weeks ago revealed a major point of affirmation in CNN’s interview with former Trump campaign associate, J.D. Gordon, whose remarks confirmed a serious political allegation in the Trump Russia Dossier. Then, Rachel Maddow echoed the essence of our report on MSNBC a few days later and added that Politico linked a participant in the RNC Ukraine policy changes to one of then-Trump Campaign Manager Paul Manafort’s associates, who is himself a foreign national being investigated by the FBI. Wikileaks involvement to assist Russia in Trump’s campaign is a cornerstone of the dossier’s claims; it was seen as essential for Putin and Russia to maintain plausible deniability for political interference. Sure enough, new factual data shows that the anti-secrecy organization switched to their web hosting to use a Russian DNS server right before releasing the most damaging email material during last year’s elections. That means Vladimir Putin certainly has knowledge of the physical location of Wikileaks’ servers and allows their messages to be broadcast using Russian soil. Trump’s former top advisor Roger Stone admitted to communicating with Russian hackers in August 2016, during the election about releases of information through Wikileaks. This month, Gen. Flynn revealed that he was secretly an unregistered Turkish foreign agent ‘volunteering’ his time during the Trump campaign, and Congress revealed proof this week, which he was simultaneously on the payroll of Russian state-sponsored RT “News” and the Kaspersky security firm, who is thought to have been involved in the election hacks. One must imagine that Flynn’s role as a secret, unregistered foreign agent of two nations (in other words, he’s a SPY) is one of the main targets of the FBI’s counterintelligence investigation. “When the dossier became public it generated more questions than answers,” says Scott Dworkin late at night via chat. “Over the last several months we’ve corroborated the dossier with the facts. The deeper we dig, the more truth we find in it. Just look at the author — Christopher Steele — who is a former MI-6 agent who’s saved more lives than Trump ever has.” “He’s the real person people imagine James Bond to be.” The Trump Russia Dossier describes the Rosneft privatization deal almost exactly, and Putin’s resulting purge of Russian allies and ex-officials looks like the kind of deadly cover up a dictator would apply, to erase his friends who knew about the deal. Scott Dworkin says to expect full confirmation of the report within a week from official sources, or when Steele testifies in front of Congress in person or via remote link. “A majority of the dossier and its contents are factual,” says the intrepid investigator Dworkin, who began making #TrumpLeaks posts in October. Now, when he tweets @funder 3 million people per day see and share his research. “The dossier is more real than anything Trump’s ever said.” “A majority of it is factual and news reports over time have proven some of those facts.” This weekend, the Republican Chair of the House Intel Committee said that only one person is being investigated for treason in the White House by the FBI’s Counter-Intelligence division. There’s no way a deal of this magnitude would completely envelop the Trump Campaign, its manager, its outside affiliates and inside agents so thoroughly, without the principal or head of a group knowing that something was happening. Any reasonable person would have to conclude that Donald Trump is the FBI’s target, based upon the bevy of circumstantial evidence tying RNC campaign events to Russian oil, economic sanctions, and the simmering conflict in Ukraine. Nearly three decades ago, Trump admitted on national television to participating in a straw-man transaction with the Sultan of Brunei and infamous Iran-Contra middleman Adnan Khashoggi, through which he acquired a large yacht, so we’ve got proof that the Trump Organization has engaged these kinds of multi-national transactions in the Middle East. The most important commodity traded in the oil business or politics is money. The privatization deal described in Christopher Steele’s dossier has played out on the pages of Bloomberg and Reuters for a year — shows that there was a whole lot of money in brokering oil deals for Donald Trump’s associates, and a rapid profit by Qatar if sanctions are released this year. The only question that’s not even pondered in these many public reports, and which must be a central focus of the American intelligence community’s investigations: Where is the $500 million dollar brokerage fee today? Where did the other $2 billion dollars come from? What is Donald Trump’s true role in the deal? Here’s the complete Democratic Coalition report: Democratic Coalition Report On Trump Russia Dossier by Grant Stern on Scribd Here’s an infographic which describes many of the key players in the Trump Russian Dossier: https://medium.com/@grantstern/trump-rus |
| 6:55a | Постраничный анализ «Досье Трампа». 16 причин, почему это не фейк  Trump Dossier Analysis: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1RbpBCorroborating Evidence in the Trump/Russia Dossier Scott J. Dworkin Co-Founder & Senior Advisor The Democratic Coalition February 20, 2017 Remember that dossier on Trump and Russia? Here are 16 reasons we now know it wasn’t “fake news.” By Leah McElrath MARCH 1, 2017 The often-derided Steele dossier on Donald Trump has proven over time to contain more truth than not. Donald Trump continues to characterize the issue of his ties to Russia as “fake news,” and many in the GOP have colluded with him to avoid establishing a bipartisan independent investigatory body. But one of the central public documents at the core of the controversy continues to haunt them all. Both CNN and Buzzfeed recently published contents of what came to be known as the Trump kompromat or Steele dossier. After it was published, Trump and his surrogates engaged in a campaign to discredit the document and to create sufficient confusion as to deflect from the implications of its contents. Here are 16 things we know: 1: DOSSIER CLAIM: Russia has an extensive program of state-sponsored offensive cyber operations. This claim is TRUE. The Intelligence Community Assessment (ICA) “Assessing Russian Activities and Intentions in Recent US Elections” — published on January 6, 2017, and created with the cooperation of all 17 U.S. intelligence entities — validates this assertion. 2: DOSSIER CLAIM: Representatives of the Trump team were in communication with representatives of the Russian government, including Russian intelligence services during the presidential campaign. This claim is TRUE. Per the New York Times: “Phone records and intercepted calls show that members of Donald J. Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign and other Trump associates had repeated contacts with senior Russian intelligence officials in the year before the election, according to four current and former American officials.” And CNN: “High-level advisers close to then-presidential nominee Donald Trump were in constant communication during the campaign with Russians known to US intelligence, multiple current and former intelligence, law enforcement and administration officials tell CNN.” And even Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov : “There were contacts. We continue to do this and have been doing this work during the election campaign.” 3: DOSSIER CLAIM: The Russian government has been cultivating a relationship with Trump for years. This claim is TRUE. Former Russian ambassador to the United Nations Vitaly Churkin first met Donald Trump in 1986, over 30 years ago, while in the company of then Soviet ambassador Yuri Dubinin. When asked about their relationship in 2016, Churkin admitted to having also met with Trump “a few years ago.” Dubinin invited Trump to Russia the following year. Further, Trump traveled to the Soviet Union/Russia multiple times over the subsequent decades, pursuing business opportunities in the country. Most notably, Trump held the 2013 Miss Universe pageant in Moscow, when he tweeted his infamous tweet wondering if Putin would become his “new best friend” and bragged about how “almost all of the oligarchs [wealthy Russian leaders who are the powers behind the throne of the government] were in the room” during one party he attended. And as a wealthy businessman, a celebrity, and someone who had almost run for president in both 2000 and 2012, Trump would have been a natural and obvious target for the Russian intelligence, according the U.S. intelligence experts. 4: DOSSIER CLAIM: Paul Manafort served as a manager for communications between the Trump campaign and the Russian government. This claim is SUPPORTED BUT UNVERIFIED. Manafort’s extensive connections with Russia and its allies are well documented. When he was still acting as campaign manager, Manafort successfully made the Republican Party unexpectedly remove its anti-Russia language in relation to Ukraine from its official party platform. Manafort lied and denied this was the case, but multiple sources confirmed he had managed the effort. He left his position as Trump’s campaign manager in August 2016 in the wake of controversy surrounding his ties to Russia and its allies in Ukraine. 5: DOSSIER CLAIM: Carter Page served as an intermediary between the Trump campaign and the Russian government. This claim is SUPPORTED BUT UNVERIFIED. In an interview in March 2016, Trump named Carter Page as one of his foreign policy advisors. During his tenure with the Trump campaign, Page disconcerted U.S. officials by making multiple speeches praising Russian President Vladimir Putin and touting how a Trump presidency would be good for U.S. Russian relations. The U.S. intelligence community began investigating Page’s relationship with the Russian government in September 2016. In late September, Page also left the Trump campaign in the wake of controversy about his ties to Russia. After the election, Page asserted he continued to be in communication with the Trump team, and he continued to travel frequently to Moscow and interact with various arms of the Russian government. 6: DOSSIER CLAIM: Russian diplomat Mikhail Kalugin was withdrawn from Washington, D.C. on short notice because of his involvement in the presidential election operation might be exposed. This claim is SUPPORTED BUT UNVERIFIED. Mikhail Kalugin was indeed sent back to Russia from his post in the U.S., but the Russian government claims that this was done as part of a “planned rotation.” Sources “with knowledge of a multi-agency investigation into the Kremlin’s meddling” confirmed that Kalugin was indeed “under scrutiny” when he was withdrawn to Russia. 7: DOSSIER CLAIM: Trump’s lawyer Michael Cohen held a position of key importance in communications between the Trump team and the Russian government. This claim is SUPPORTED BUT UNVERIFIED. When this information first emerged, Cohen tweeted out a photo of the front of his passport as supposed proof he had never been to the European city named in the dossier. His stories about his whereabouts during the meeting specified within the dossier changed over and over again and have been thoroughly debunked. Citing information showing a different Michael Cohen (which is a very common name) in the noted European city, journalists largely stopped investigating this aspect of the dossier. However, Cohen’s name came to the fore yet again when he was placed at the center of an operation to deliver a Russia/Ukraine so-called peace plan to Trump. 8: DOSSIER CLAIM: Russia worked through Trump team intermediaries to negotiate for the lifting of U.S. sanctions that were put in place following its invasion of Ukraine and annexation of Crimea and the additional sanctions imposed as a result of its interference in the presidential elections. This claim is SUPPORTED BUT UNVERIFIED. While the exact mechanism by which he came to this decision is unknown, Trump has repeatedly voiced an openness to lifting the sanctions. 9: DOSSIER CLAIM: Russian state-owned oil giant Rosneft President and close friend of Putin, Igor Sechin, offered Trump and his associates a 19 percent (privatized) stake in Rosneft in return for the lifting of U.S. sanctions, which would allow Rosneft to proceed with a multi-billion dollar Arctic drilling deal it had made with ExxonMobil. This claim is SUPPORTED BUT UNVERIFIED. The day before the U.S. election, November 7, 2016, Rosneft signed a deal to sell-off 19.5 percent of Rosneft to raise cash. The deal was to be finalized on December 5, 2016. The final recipient of the shares and/or their value is not clear as the transaction appears to have been run through multiple layers of intermediaries. 10: DOSSIER CLAIM: The dossier details a dozen conversations between senior Russian officials and other foreign nationals involved in gathering information during the campaign hurtful to Hillary Clinton and helpful to Trump. This claim is AT LEAST PARTLY TRUE. Members of the U.S. intelligence community have confirmed that signal intelligence (intercepted communications) confirms an unspecified number of these conversations. 11: DOSSIER CLAIM: The Kremlin directly or indirectly funded visits to Moscow of what it considered sympathetic U.S. individuals, including Carter Page, Green Party presidential candidate Jill Stein, and then former Defense Intelligence Agency Director and retired Lt. General Michael Flynn. This claim is AT LEAST PARTLY TRUE. As has been widely reported, Stein and Flynn attended an anniversary party for Russian state-owned propaganda outlet Russia Today (RT) and sat at a table with Putin. Flynn was paid $40,000 for making the keynote address to the gathering. Flynn was forced to resign from his position as Trump’s National Security advisor because of questions about his contact with Russian officials before he took office. Trump supporter Sheriff David Clarke was also in Moscow on the same day as the RT celebration, December 10, 2015, and said he met with the Russian foreign minister during his trip. 12: DOSSIER CLAIM: The Russian regime was behind obtaining and, through intermediaries, providing to Wikileaks emails obtained by hacking the Democratic National Committee. This claim is TRUE. The ICA noted above called “Assessing Russian Activities and Intentions in Recent US Elections” validates this assertion. IN ADDITION to many of the claims within the dossier being either true or possibly verifiable with additional information, three Russian officials possibly linked to either the dossier or the Russian election operation have died mysterious deaths in the past few months, and the man who wrote the dossier has gone into hiding: 13: SERGEI KRIVOV: On Election Day itself, November 8, 2016, the consular duty commander of the Russian embassy in New York City, Sergei Krivov, was found dead within the embassy. First responders reported he had a head wound caused by blunt force trauma. Consular officials claimed he died of a heart attack. As duty commander, Krivov would have had access to a top secret tool used to encrypt and decrypt messages sent to and from the embassy. He would also have been in charge of preventing espionage by the U.S. and others within the building. To the extent the U.S. intelligence community gained access to signal intelligence from Russian representatives in New York, Krivov would have been responsible. He also would have been an ideal target for U.S. intel to attempt to recruit as an asset. 14: OLEG EROVINKIN: One of the primary sources within the dossier is described as “a Russian source close to” Rosneft President Sechin. This source is thought to be a man named Oleg Erovinkin, an ex-KGB/FSB agent and Chief of Staff for Sechin. Erovinkin was found dead in the backseat of his car on December 26, 2016. His cause of death was unexplained, but foul play was suspected by many Russian media reports. Rosneft officials claimed he had heart problems. However, the Russian government did not issue its usual claim of death by heart attack, and it is possible Erovinkin’s death was being used as a cautionary example. 15: VITALY CHURKIN: During his more than ten year term as UN ambassador, Churkin developed close relationships with many people highly-placed within the U.S. government, as well as business leaders like Trump. While it is not known whether Churkin was a source for any material in the dossier, it is possibly significant that Churkin died suddenly and in mysterious circumstances in New York City on Monday, February 20, 2017. Following his autopsy, the New York medical examiners said “more tests” were needed to determine his cause of death, and the investigation in his death is still ongoing. 16: CHRISTOPHER STEELE: And finally, the author of the dossier, British former counter-intelligence official Christopher Steele, is well-respected enough as an expert on Russia that the FBI once considered paying Steele for what it apparently considered highly credible information. Steele went into hiding as soon as his identity was revealed in January and remains in hiding in fear for his life, a full seven weeks later. REMEMBER, this is all public and published information. We do not have any idea what classified or top secret information exists. A bipartisan independent investigation on the ties between Trump and his team and the Russian government is vital to the national sovereignty and security of the United States. Leah McElrath http://shareblue.com/remember-that-dossi |
| 8:55a | Е.Ихлов: Кремлю очень выгодна «кадыровская версия» Яшина Травля Андрея Николаевича Илларионова самыми недостойными методами только за то, что он разоблачил нестыковки в показаниях Яшина, и широта фронта травящих убеждает меня, что есть очень серьёзный повод для этого. Коалиция травящих идёт от прирученных прогрессистов, вечно ждущих «гибридной оттепели», до респектабельных оппозиционеров, возводящих себя к «друзьям Бориса Ефимовича». Выдвину рабочую гипотезу: Кремлю очень выгодна «кадыровская версия» Яшина, и очень важна её сохранность. Потому что одно дело – разные самостоятельные расследования, погружающие в конспирологию; другое дело – позиция международно-известного деятеля оппозиционера, говорящего простые вещи: нельзя, начав с получения в гардеробе шубок для двух подружек, за 10 минут примчаться на Большой Замоскворецкий (Немцов) мост, перед этим пробежавшись пешком по Большому Каменному и обратно... ... Возможно, правда об убийстве Немцова – та красная черта, которую переступать настолько непозволительно, что лучше «устроить тёмную» тому, кто своим поведением провоцирует вохру, чем ждать, когда ворвутся в «хату» и устроют «полный беспредел». А так – дают варить чайфирчик, перекидываться в картишки, подкурить... Только нельзя требовать надзирающего прокурора... Поэтому качающего права гасят сами... силами сознательной общественности... https://www.facebook.com/ihlov.evgenij/p П.С. Ramazashvili Georgiy Уважаемый Ихлов Евгений, есть еще одна достаточно очевидная причина, по которой статусный "либеральный истэблишмент" стал демонизировать Andrei Illarionovа: многие из тех, кто в этом участвует, годами принимали участие в постановочных играх, имеющих договорной характер с властями: мнимые "политологи" с мнимыми "экспертами" под ручку с не менее мнимыми "лидерами" и "народными трибунами", подбадриваемые мнимыми "журналистами", породили ту среду, в которой не имеющего ни в одной из профессий никаких индивидуальных заслуг Яшина могли причислять к "лидерам оппозиционного движения". Насколько можно понять, безотносительно чеченской версии, люди, годами пиарившие этого 30-летнего вьюношу с невесть откуда взявшимися замашками пионервожатого, выдавая его за лидера и политика, попросту не хотят, чтобы эта мнимая величина лопнула, поскольку автоматически возникнут вопросы и к ним самим: что же они за "эксперты" и "журналисты", какие же они "оппозиционные лидеры", если годами держали при себе в первых рядах этого типа, которого сейчас сами (Кох и Кондауров) описывают, как тщеславного и легко врущего глупца. При этом то, что "либеральный истэблишмент" теперь коллективно записался в профессиональные психиатры и сексологи, лишь подтверждает мнимость профессионализма большинства из них. Патологическое неумение полемизировать, подмена контраргументов хамскими выпадами и готовность использовать давно опробованный на диссидентах фирменный гбшный прием (когда противник объявляется либо "шизофреником" либо "гомосексуалистом", - не может же быть оппонентов у прекрасной советской власти), - всё это лишь подчеркивает постановочную природу такого "оппозиционного истэблишмента". Тусовка мнимых экспертов и народных трибунов, состоящая из самоназначенцев и санкционированных властями поводырей, не прощает вопросы, ставящие под сомнение обоснованность её доминирования. https://www.facebook.com/ihlov.evgenij/p |
| 7:39p | Три группы вопросов Илье Яшину. И ответ ЭМ: "Этот пункт мы убираем" https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s_os9eJj Published on Mar 25, 2017 Несколько дней назад в своем «живом журнале» политолог Андрей Илларионов обозначил несколько вопросов, адресованных одному из лидеров оппозиции – Илье Яшину. В ответ раздались оскорбления, и – ни слова по существу. Пользуясь случаем, А. Илларионов решил сформулировать эти вопросы устно, надеясь, все-таки, получить вразумительный ответ. Канал Sotnik-TV также готов предоставить площадку для публичного ответа Илье Яшину. Смотрите сюжет Sotnik-TV. Журналист – Александр Сотник П.С. «Эхо Москвы» ответило на эти три вопроса: «Этот пункт убираем». И.Воробьева― Хорошо. Тут наши слушатели переходят от одной темы к другой и очень много спрашивают про расследование убийства Бориса Немцова, в том числе, спрашивают про ваше участие в этом эксперименте по маршруту… С.Бунтман― Я сейчас скажу. Вот смотрите, мы пришли к тому… Вот нет у меня никакого желания в пламенную дрязгу… Она пламенная… И.Воробьева― И абсолютно дрязга. С.Бунтман― Когда увидел заголовок… А нельзя просто все эти определения заменить одним словом Яшин, например, когда такого-то, сякого… Там просто Андрей Николаевич нагнетает со страшной силой, просто с нечеловеческой силой нагнетает, при этом задает, действительно, кое какие вопросы, которые требуют ответа. Можно про это говорить, как Олег Кашин говорил, что сидят, пируют, танцуют – Северокавказское МВД – как здорово, что они занимаются такой чухней сейчас. Можно спокойно отсидеться. Элемент чухни есть. И.Воробьева― Но согласитесь, что сменился очень сильно… С.Бунтман― И от задавания вопросов, действительно, нужных, как это было, что это было… И вот я не буду тебя просить что-то дополнительно по этому сказать, потому что я знаю, что это слишком близко, и не потому, что ты питаешь какие-то страсти к одному или к другому участнику этой дивной полемики, а потому что ты там была через некоторое время. И не один детектор брехни не сможет из тебя вытянуть точное время, когда ты там была. И.Воробьева― Я просто не помню. С.Бунтман― Это невозможно. Это только каким-то чудом бывает, что ты посмотришь на часы – уличные, наручные, башенные и так далее. Теперь вернемся к эксперименту. Задан там был: Вот проехали за 20 минут… Интересно, лишние 20-25 минут, особенно в ночное время есть. И проехаться по этому с учетом всех поправок – поправок на переделку улиц того времени, на то, что не пятница, но понедельник. И вот в понедельник я поехал именно от «Artefaq», ныне покойного, дома 32, причем с заездом на Большой Каменный мост, поскольку Илья сам рассказывал об этом. Существует длинный твит Ильи, как он рассказывал, что это с заездом было, и включая заезд и, например, собранные светофоры в одной кошелку, больше 11 минут не получается. Причем я нарочно не гнал. Но я себе могу представить, что любой человек, которому скажут, и он вскакивает в автомобиль, свой или чужой автомобиль, и едет на место всего этого ужаса, то он гонит. Ему, честно говоря, плевать на то, что остановят, не остановят или сколько там штрафов придет с камер. Он едет быстро. Я специально никогда больше 75, скажем, не давал, нигде. Причем там были задержки на бульварах, которые сейчас реконструируют, возможно. И там нужно было просто вильнуть, там один ряд остается. Но, ребята, хорошо, один круг. Потом второй круг. Снова я доехал до этого самого Artefaq» и оттуда снова: 10, 11… 20 минут, как было указано – это для того, чтобы сделать большой круг. И.Воробьева― Разными маршрутами причем, можно было доехать. С.Бунтман― Да пожалуйста, господи! И.Воробьева― Тут спрашивается сразу же после этого: «Зачем это нужно Илларионову?» Объясните? Не в том, что он задает вопросы, нет, не в этом. Задавать вопросы у нас в стране, я надеюсь, все еще может каждый. Вопрос в том, насколько сильно он давит на всех, чтобы все зачем-то сместили вектор расследования убийства вместо того, чтобы требовать допроса тех людей, которых не могут найти и не могут привести в суд, мы начинаем уже сколько… две недели вокруг какого-то чертового маршрута непонятно по каким вопросам обсуждать. С.Бунтман― Это мы обсуждаем. Мы можем и не обсуждать. Вот существует свобода воли, которая нам позволяет это не обсуждать. И сразу думать, что если Илларионов возбудил этот вопрос, мы что, обязаны, что ли, сразу все бежать? Кто-то задает эти вопросы, кто-то задает другие вопросы. Кто-то требует, чтобы нам Руслана Геремеева выдали и правильно требует. Вопросы надо все… Второе: что нам нужно, на самом деле, вот что мне нужно на самом деле? Я думаю, что тебе тоже. Чтобы выяснилось, что там было по-настоящему. Уменьшая степень, я бы сказал, в таких убийствах, в случае с Вороненковым, узнается, что это люди президента Украины сделали – пусть узнается. И для нас и для Украины это будет полезно. Точно так же пусть узнается все, что было с убийством Немцова, что бы ни было. Но при этом это точно так же, как с любой теорией, которая выдвигается в каких-то там… теория появления и исчезновения вселенной… Ты видишь какой-то, может быть, даже бред, который тебя уводит. Пока ты не проглядел дежурно, не проверил внутренне… И.Воробьева― Бред это или нет? С.Бунтман― Бред это или нет. Во-вторых, даже если, предположим, посыл состоит только в том, что Андрей Николаевич Илларионов ненавидит Илью Яшина, предположим и вот хочет его закатать куда-нибудь. А Немцова точно так же, как и всех гайдаровских и постгайдаровских деятелей тоже вот закатать. Этот «антигайдар» — это одна из магистралей Андрея Николаевича. Даже если мы представим, — а, по-моему, это не так, совсем не так – то мы обязаны внутренне для себя (мы можем это оставить через полчаса) просмотреть, что тут правда, что неправда, что подвергается сомнению, что важно, а что не важно. Что я могу проверить, в конце концов? Если была путаница в том, сколько ехать, простите меня, оттуда, от Пушкинской бывшей улицы до Каменного, потом до Москворецкого моста – я это проверю. Простите, но от меня не потребовалось никаких усилий. Я проехал и написали, что столько-то это длиться всё. Этот пункт убираем. http://echo.msk.ru/programs/personalnova П.П.С. Ответ Ю.Латыниной: Ну, вот, как у нас Андрей Николаевич Илларионов рассказывает, что Немцова убивали все, включая, видимо, Яшина кроме, разумеется, чеченцев. http://echo.msk.ru/programs/code/1950378-e |
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