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Social purity movement
z сообщает.
Первое феминистское правительство в мире это именно так.

https://lj.rossia.org/users/z/118776.html

Речь идет о делегации феминистического правительства
Швеции в Иране (преимущественно женской), одетой в хиджабы,
в соответствии с иранскими законами.

Не вижу тут никакого противоречия с феминизмом:
феминистки, вообще-то, в большинстве своем поддерживают
ношение хиджаба и в целом исламские обычаи в отношении
женщин тоже поддерживают. Глупо думать, что "феминизм"
имеет какое-то отношение к "освобождению женщин", может,
когда-то и имел, но сейчас это просто одна из форм
агрессивного пуританизма. То есть мракобесная и
авторитарная реакция на травму, причиненную модерном,
урбанизацией, пост-индустриальной революцией и
торжеством фаллогоцентризма.

По сути, "муслимские братья" или какие-нибудь
"православные хоругвеносцы за путина" заняты тем
же самым, что и феминистки. И исламизм, и феминизм,
и фашизм, и русский фашизм - формы реакции на одно
и то же травматическое воздействие. Неудивительно,
что они так похожи, вплоть до неразличимости;
и неудивительно, что в европейской политике
феминистки все без исключения занимают происламские
позиции, вплоть до борьбы за жесткую цензуру
Интернета, хиджаб и женское обрезание (хотя
последнее, кажется, пока отчасти экзотика).

Феминизм есть ультраправое, мракобесное
движение, форма пуританизма.

Это даже и не новация: в конце 19- начале 20
века феминистки занимались в основном борьбой за
закрытие баров и борделей, потому что бары и бордели
оскорбляли их чувство приличия, и добивались помещения
проституток в работные дома ("reform homes") либо дурдом
пожизненно, потому что эти женщины безнадежно испорчены и
угрожают ценностям семьи и государства. Вершиной этого
движения был закон о запрете алкоголя, принятый в
1918-м году под давлением феминисток.

В 1920-е это движение ("Social purity movement")
несколько утихло, а когда феминистки заявили о
себе в 1960-х, ассоциация с традиционным феминизмом
(то есть борьбой с развратом и проституцией за семейные ценности)
отчасти забылась. Но отход феминизма от базовых феминистических
ценностей (борьбы с развратом и за семейные ценности) оказался
временным явлением потому что феминизм 2010-х от феминизма 1910-х
не отличается только набором союзников: в 1910-х это
были протестантские проповедники и полиция, а в 2010-х
это исламские проповедники и полиция. Особенно
это заметно в Швеции, где основным (по сути, единственным)
достижением "феминизма" были законы против проституции и
разврата: "Social purity movement", версия 2.0.

Вот полезные ссылки про "temperance movement",
"social purity movement" и традиционный феминизм.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Woman%27s_Christian_Temperance_Union
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_purity_movement
http://www.catholiceducation.org/en/controversy/feminism/the-changing-faces-of-feminism.html

Some equate feminism with a virulent leftist political
philosophy that advocates abortion, lesbianism,
pornography, witchcraft, and goddess worship. In fact,
however, this "neofeminism" is far removed from the ideals
and goals of the 19th-century feminists, who were strongly
rooted in the Judeo-Christian concepts of morality and
justice.

For most early feminists, Christian idealism was the
motivating force behind their demands for the reform of
attitudes and laws that allowed the suppression of the
weak.

They condemned male promiscuity, and denounced the social
injustices that induced their sisters to degrade
themselves in lives of prostitution. They demanded that
husbands honor their commitments to their wives, and that
sons learn to honor the integrity of all women. Equal
rights, they believed, could be achieved only by fidelity,
mutual sacrifice and commitment. Self-control, not
self-indulgence, was their solution to marital
unhappiness.

Тhey condemned artificial contraception as "unnatural,
injurious, and offensive" to women. They believed that
contraceptives in the home would further entrench women in
the role of sexual objects for their mates. Contraceptives
would deny women their rightful fertility, turning wives
into little more than prostitutes, always "safe" for
husbands to exploit to satisfy their
passions. Contraceptives would also free men from the fear
of an untimely pregnancy and so remove the one emotion to
which women could appeal when faced with unwanted sexual
advances.

Widespread contraceptive use, feminists argued, would
encourage promiscuity, undermine chastity, lure their
husbands and sons into illicit sexual exploits, and
expose more women to seduction, abuse and abandonment.

Feminists also condemned abortion. They insisted it was
immoral to kill an unborn child. Susan B. Anthony,
Victoria Woodhill, and virtually every other noted
feminist leader of the last century described abortion as
"infanticide" and "child- murder."

http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/09612029200200013

The social purity movement of the 1880s
was part of this new interventionist approach. All this may give us a small
part of the explanation for the interventionist activities of certain
middle-class social purity feminists. However, these women were not simply
acting as members of the middle class, but also, and crucially, as religious
feminists with a history of philanthropy. Thus for a greater understanding of
their actions, it is important to look at what informed their vision of purified
meanspublic and private worlds, and what appeared appropriate to further
the desired end. The vision of social purity feminists was partly shaped by
certain religious beliefs, and frequently by adherence to temperance, in
which women were seen as the victims of male alcoholic abuse. That some of
these feminists actions took a repressive and statist form needs to be
related in part to their heritage of philanthropy, their views concerning
female sexuality, and their changing attitude towards local government and
the state. But first, what exactly was this repressive activity in which a
number of feminists were now engaged?

...Over the following two years the NVAs The Vigilance
Record, edited by Mrs Ormiston Chant, was full of the good work being
done by vigilance groups in closing brothels. Yet the NVA faced a recurrent
problem: prostitutes lack of inclination to leave their sinful life. Attempts
at rescue work seem to have been decidedly unsuccessful so far as the
inhabitants of closed-down brothels were concerned. The outcome of the
NVAs closing of a colony of brothels in Aldershot in 1888 was a case in
point. Asked what would happen to the 400 girls and children rendered
homeless by their action, William Coote, the NVAs secretary, replied in an
open court that he was prepared to take charge of the whole of the girls
and children ... provided they were anxious to make an effort to lead an
honourable and honest life. Only one girl took up the offer. Of those
prostitutes unwilling to be saved, 90 marched through Aldershot in protest,
four abreast, singing as they went.

In a pamphlet written in the 1880s, feminist NVA member Dr Elizabeth
Blackwell differentiated between three methods of dealing with prostitution.
Firstly, she referred to the let alone system, (laissez-faire). In operation in
London, it encouraged the streets to be a public exchange of debauchery
for vicious men and women, [with] brothels allowed to flourish and
multiply. Secondly, she presented the female regulation system the
system favoured on the Continent and in operation in the UK under the
Contagious Diseases Acts. She was adamantly opposed to this method too
because it fostered corruption and ... moral degradation. The third system
the only righteous method of dealing with vice by means of law was
the repressive system.

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